Solutions

Tonal representation:

Pitch accents:
- Recognition
- Labeling
Boundary tones:
- Recognition
- Labeling
Nuclear configurations:
- Recognition
- Labeling

Phrasing:

 

SOLUTIONS

Sp_ToBI Labeling System
Tonal representation
Pitch accent labeling

 

Question 1: Bebe una limonada.

The nuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a L* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a low plateau. It is generally realized as a local pitch minimum in the speaker’s range.

It is found in nuclear position in broad focus statements.


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Question 2: ¿Cuándo lo harás?

The nuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a H* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a high plateau, and no initial dip is observed.

In our corpus, it is found as the main possibility for prenuclear accents in wh-questions.


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Question 3: Sí mujer, ¡de Guillermo!

The nuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a L+H* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a rising pitch movement during the accented syllable. The rise starts at the onset of the accented syllable and ends at the end of that syllable.

It is found in nuclear position in broad and narrow focus, in anti-expectational questions, and in combination with a variety of boundary tones in vocatives, insistent requests, obviousness statements, etc.


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Question 4: Bebe una limonada.

The prenuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a L+>H* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a rising pitch movement. Typically, the L tone is aligned with the onset of the accented syllable, and the H tone is aligned with the postaccentual syllable.

This is the predominant choice for prenuclear accents in broad focus statements.
It cannot be found in nuclear position.

For more arguments in favor of the analysis of the L+>H* pitch accent, see Face, T.; Prieto, P. (2007): Rising accents in Castilian Spanish: a revision of Sp_ToBI, Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 6.1, 117-146.


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Question 5: ¿Le dieron el número de vuelo?

The prenuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a L*+H pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a low tone on the accented syllable followed by a rise on the posttonic syllable. The peak is typically realized at the end of the posttonic syllable, and sometimes later.

In our corpus, it is found in prenuclear position in yes-no questions and requests.
It cannot be found in nuclear position.


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Question 6: ¿Queréis callar?

The nuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a H+L* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a fall within the accented syllable. The start of the fall is aligned with the beginning of the accented syllable and the end of the fall is aligned (roughly) with the end of the stressed syllable.

It is found in nuclear position in yes-no questions (falling type).


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Question 7: La niña morena come mandarinas.

The nuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a L* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a low plateau. It is generally realized as a local pitch minimum in the speaker’s range.

It is found in nuclear position in broad focus statements.


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Question 8: Mariana miraba la luna.

The prenuclear pitch accent of this sentence is a L+>H* pitch accent, which is phonetically realized as a rising pitch movement. Typically, the L tone is aligned with the onset of the accented syllable, and the H tone is aligned with the postaccentual syllable.

This is the predominant choice for prenuclear accents in broad focus statements.
It cannot be found in nuclear position.

For more arguments in favor of the analysis of the L+>H* pitch accent, see Face, T.; Prieto, P. (2007): Rising accents in Castilian Spanish: a revision of Sp_ToBI, Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 6.1, 117-146.


click to enlarge